How Ranked-Choice Voting Is Quietly Reshaping US Elections From Alaska to New York

Ranked-choice voting has moved from political novelty to electoral fixture in a handful of states — and its effects are now rippling well beyond those borders, reshaping primary strategies, candidate behavior, and the calculus of third-party campaigns.

Alaska has now conducted three consecutive federal elections under ranked-choice voting, a system adopted by a 51-49 percent margin in 2020. The results have been instructive. Former Rep. Mary Peltola (D), who stunned Republicans by winning a 2022 special election, was re-elected that November but lost her seat to Republican Nicholas Begich in 2024. Both outcomes turned on second- and third-round tabulations unique to RCV — a dynamic that has forced Alaska’s candidates to campaign not just for first-choice votes but for the preferencing of rivals.

The system’s most consequential test came in 2024, when a repeal measure lost by just 743 votes — the narrowest margin in Alaska ballot history. That hair-thin result underscored how embedded RCV has become in the state’s political DNA, even as partisan friction persists.

Maine has used RCV for federal elections since 2020, making it the longest-running RCV laboratory among states with congressional elections. The system produced one of the most-watched races in 2022, when Democratic Rep. Jared Golden and Republican Bruce Poliquin traded leads across multiple rounds. The persistence of RCV in a historically conservative state suggests that voter familiarity — rather than partisan lean — determines whether repeal efforts gain traction.

New York City adopted RCV for municipal elections in 2021. The implementation produced early confusion among voters — a significant number of ballots were partially completed — but participation rates remained high, and the system has matured with each cycle. Statewide adoption beyond New York City has stalled, however, as the legislature remains divided along regional and partisan lines.

RCV’s expansion elsewhere has been sharply contested. Eighteen states have banned the practice outright, a reaction partly driven omplex dynamics, though without the partisan friction Alaska has experienced.

For now, the states that have stuck with RCV are providing a longitudinal dataset on what the system actually does to campaign behavior. Candidates in RCV states report spending more time on voter education, and both major parties have adapted by fielding candidates who can appeal broadly rather than just energize a base. Whether that adaptation is a feature or a bug depends on which electoral outcomes you find most legitimate.

Victoria Hayes covers US electoral systems, campaign strategy, and election integrity for this outlet. The data in this report draws from state election authorities, FairVote, and Ballotpedia reporting through May 2026.

Written by Carlos Mendez, Americas Correspondent